Thursday, December 3, 2009

on the Congress railing against Bernanke and the Fed (WSJ article)



In the article, "Lawmakers Chide Fed in Bernanke Hearing" in the WSJ you get to hear Congress (who was complicit in allowing the great recession to happen by passing certain policies & regulations) yell at one man (Bernanke) for the "Fed's failure".


"You are the definition of a moral hazard," said Sen. Jim Bunning (R, Ky.), a long-time Fed critic. "I will do everything I can to stop your nomination and drag out this process as long as I can."


I fear rule by the majority and congress represents the interests of the majority & industries while the white house & the Fed (Geithner/Bernanke) seem to be looking out for national interests. I could be wrong and of course not all of congress /senate is intentionally against national interests but their motivations are more diverse.

Tuesday, December 1, 2009

thoughts on NYT article: Oil Companies Look to the Future in Iraq

Is it any surprise why Iraq was/is so important now? I was stunned when I researched Iraq's oil reserves last year. It turns out they have the least developed/tapped and  one of the largest oil reserves on the planet. The price of a barrel of oil from such a source is/was/historically 10-15x cheaper at the onset (as the well dries the cost of retrieving barrels increases to the market price, however). Now the exxon/royal dutch/big oil is coming in and about to develop the most lucrative areas:


http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/01/world/middleeast/01iraqoil.html


“The attraction of these fields to oil companies is not the per-barrel profit, which is very low, but their value as an entrance ticket to the oil sector of southern Iraq,” said Reidar Visser, a research fellow at theNorwegian Institute of International Affairs who operates an Iraq Web site, Historiae. “In terms of size and potential, the Basra region remains one of the most attractive areas of future growth for the international oil industry.

Iraq has the third largest proven reserves of oil in the world, with about 115 billion barrels, but it does not rank in the top 10 producers. If and when its oil production rises toward seven million barrels a day or more, Iraq might find itself in conflict with OPEC, which maintains production quotas for its members. Iraq has been exempt from the quotas since sanctions were imposed in 1990, Iraqi officials said.
Iraqi officials say there is no justification for imposing a quota on their production, saying they have been underproducing for years, allowing others to enjoy higher quotas.
The production from these three fields will surely threaten other oil-producing countries and will show the world that Iraq can match Saudi Arabia’s production,” said Mr. Hassani. “Our share has been taken by other countries, and we will gain our share again from the countries that took it.”





Wednesday, November 25, 2009

Brunnermeier & Sannikov's new macro model (Bernanke you have some reading to do this morning...)

Capitalism evolves before our very eyes:
http://www.princeton.edu/~markus/research/papers/macro_finance.pdf

"In contrast, our model predicts an equilibrium in which the volatility becomes very
large once the system shifts far enough below the steady state. Moreover, higher borrowing
costs, reduced positions, and precautionary motives lead to deleveraging, bound the
experts’ profits and lower the growth rate of expert capital/the rate of reversion towards
the steady state. As a result, this dynamical system involves episodes in which the value
of η becomes very low and the price distribution exhibits fat tails. We conclude that the
financial system is prone to crises, and that predictions of steady-state analyses may be
misleading."


In English, this means that during a crisis volatility increases as investors run to cash or treasuries etc. & furthermore the length of time it takes for asset prices to mean revert takes longer (whereas in a steady state the mean reversion of growth rate of expert capital is quicker).

china real estate bubble?



Chinese real estate models. In Shanghai, which is China's New York, locals and expats are doing their best to foist American-style consumerism onto China's rising masses—with mixed results. Starbucks has opened several hundred stores, even though China has no coffee-drinking culture to speak of. As it spreads into China, Toys "R" Us is trying to convince higher-income Chinese parents that toys are a part of a childhood, not a distraction from preparation for the all-important national college entrance exams. Dickie Yip, executive vice president at Bank of Communications, lamented that 80 percent of the 11 million Chinese people who have opened up credit card accounts with the bank pay off their accounts in full every month. "We're encouraging our best customers not to repay," he said.
But there's one distinctly American habit the Shanghaiese seem to have picked up easily: talking about money, profits, and real estate prices without self-consciousness. I'm traveling in China this week and next with a group of American journalists. And we were instantly schooled by our interlocutors on the divide between the political capital (Beijing) and the financial capital (Shanghai). Beijing is all about politics, analysis, debate. In Shanghai, it's all pragmatism, getting things done, and making money. "To get rich is glorious," as Deng Xiaoping famously said.


From wiki about America in 1840s:
This rapidly democratizing society, as Tocqueville understood it, had a population devoted to "middling" values which wanted to amass, through hard work, vast fortunes. In Tocqueville's mind, this explained why America was so different from Europe. In Europe, he claimed, nobody cared about making money. The lower classes had no hope of gaining more than minimal wealth, while the upper classes found it crass, vulgar, and unbecoming of their sort to care about something as unseemly as money; many were virtually guaranteed wealth and took it for granted. At the same time in America workers would see people fashioned in exquisite attire and merely proclaim that through hard work they too would soon possess the fortune necessary to enjoy such luxuries.
*


Furthermore, from the same wiki: Tocqueville tried to understand why America was so different from Europe in the last throes of aristocracy. America, in contrast to the aristocratic ethic, was a society where hard work and money-making was the dominant ethic, where the common man enjoyed a level of dignity which was unprecedented, where commoners never deferred to elites, and where what he described as crass individualism and market capitalism had taken root to an extraordinary degree.


Sounds like China today doesn't it...

Tuesday, November 24, 2009

higher interest rates? 1.6T due within a year (or months)...


Two things are interesting here. One is the amount of debt coming due within a year. This is always a potential opportunity for the rates required on treasuries to go up. The second thing is the creditors section. Note China only makes up 7% of the foreign debt owned..other+japan+private=56%, which means I (and the media) should be focusing much more on what the other 56% is doing. Another takeaway is the social security, medicare, healthcare issues that will have to be tackled at some point. There's so many issues that politicians don't seem to want to tackle or work together on (and risk their political careers in the process).

Monday, November 23, 2009

great post on china on michael pettis' site on china's financial markets

Reading this entry by pettis helps me see my suspicions about China are probably spot on.

http://mpettis.com/2009/11/lecturing-each-other-on-trade/

1) gov't policies have encouraged investment over consumption
2) the gov't has excess revenue or savings which they use to invest in productive capacity (ie. factories etc...) & to continue weakening its currency (mercantilist stance) e.g. see  wiki on mercantilism:


Hume famously noted the impossibility of the mercantilists' goal of a constant positive balance of trade[citation needed]. As bullion flowed into one country, the supply would increase and the value of bullion in that state would steadily decline relative to other goods. Conversely, in the state exporting bullion, its value would slowly rise. Eventually it would no longer be cost-effective to export goods from the high-price country to the low-price country, and the balance of trade would reverse itself. Mercantilists fundamentally misunderstood this, long arguing that an increase in the money supply simply meant that everyone gets richer.[22]
The importance placed on bullion was also a central target, even if many mercantilists had themselves begun to de-emphasize the importance of gold and silver. Adam Smith noted at the core of the mercantile system was the "popular folly of confusing wealth with money," bullion was just the same as any other commodity, and there was no reason to give it special treatment.[23] More recently, scholars have discounted the accuracy of this critique. 
Wiki doesn't specify what the critique is (unfortunately), but some of this makes sense and the reason there's no correction is because of the neo-mercantilist strategy of using the bullion/fx reserves to weaken the yuan in this case (thereby delaying the necessary correction). Also in Pettis' post he mentions research about an NBER (Moritz Schularick and Alan M. Taylor have a new NBER Working Paper, “Credit Booms Gone Bust: Monetary Policy, Leverage Cycles and Financial Crises, 1870–2008.”) working paper that discusses bubbles they studied were equally likely to happen from excess credit or excess investment.

What I haven't found an answer to is why the Chinese gov't pursues these policies? At first I thought it was to keep the laborers poor and help the Communist party continue to amass wealth (in the form of commodities, fx reserves, and productive capacity) with the idea that this was the best path to preserve the current political power structure. Now I think they Chinese gov't is pursuing these policies to keep employing more and more people because employment, in a non-farming setting, maybe more important than an increase in the standard of living.

The US could, in effect, spend the excess savings in China through deficit spending/printing money but the Chinese say they don't want this. I see three ways this could play out:
1) China expects the US to come out of this recession and through new industries re-employ it's people and for the positive surplus mercantilist machine to continue in China. Unlikely
2) China allows its currency to appreciate slowly, it's people begin to buy more products from the US/world, China realizes comparative advantage works and they can focus on certain industries, the US currency weakens in a controlled fashion, jobs return to the US/the rest of the world in sectors where the US has an advantage. Rosy scenario. The risks to this is what will happen to Communist power as this progresses?
3) Scary scenario: The US puts up tariffs, demand falls precipitously in China and retaliates by selling US treasuries en masse, US interest rates sky rocket, the dollar crashes, hyper inflation settles into the US and an unheard of growth in employment and rebuilding of productive capacity in the US, US domestic demand sky rockets, and imports implode. China not only loses its investment in US treasuries/dollars/commodities, it also loses on its investments as all of its factories become useless and workers unemployed.

projecting the digital world onto the real world--you have to watch this to understand what this even means:)

Tuesday, November 17, 2009

China's stealth move


It's happening, China is preparing for inflation in the US by selling long dated us treasuries and 'riskier' GSE bonds and buying T-bills.
Also buying commodities, equities, and all the gold they can get their hands on in preparation for inflation in the USA:
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/21/business/global/21reserves.html

President Obama said before going to China this week that Asia can no longer live by shipping goods to Americans already in debt to their ears. "We have reached one of those rare inflection points in history where we have the opportunity to take a different path," he said. Failure to take that path will "put enormous strains" on America's ties to China. Is that a threat?
It is fashionable to talk of America as the supplicant. That misreads the strategic balance. Washington can bring China to its knees at any time by shutting markets. There is no symmetry here. Any move by Beijing to liquidate its holdings of US Treasuries could be neutralized – in extremis – by capital controls. Well-armed sovereign states can do whatever they want.
from telegraph.co.uk..




If a country pegs it's currency to the dollar it loses control over it's monetary policy. As such the carry trade does not work in those countries. As such they do not get any liquidity injection. However, you are right in stating that the speculators put pressure on the currency manipulators to revalue upward. With the Yuan peg to the dollar, America and China have effectively become Chimerica. The carry trade works in countries like Australia and India that have free floating currencies (or managed floats). The Chinese are engaging in mercantilism, they want to artificially peg their currency and it keep it from rising to suck jobs from the western world and to develop their capital stock.

For once Bernanke and company may have got it right - squeeze them till it hurts. The cheaper dollar will over time generate investments in the US productive stock. It is not beggar thy neighbor, we have to level the playing field. A weaker dollar will obviously help towards that objective.

By the way the Japanese funded the carry trade for almost two decades after the bursting of their bubble.



The USA needs genuine leaders who are willing to sacrifice their political careers and: 1)shrink the federal government,2) eliminate the federal income tax,3)eliminate the death tax, 4) eliminate capital gains tax,5)get out of the banking, health, and auto industry, and 6)get out of office after two terms so someone else can run.




Tuesday, November 3, 2009

great article by Grantham...but I just come away knowing exactly why I'm frustrated and nothing changes


Just Desserts and Markets Being Silly Again
by Jeremy Grantham

Just Desserts

I can't tell you how surprised, even embarrassed I was to get the Nobel Prize in chemistry. Yes, I had passed the dreaded chemistry A-level for 18-year-olds back in England in 1958. But did they realize it was my third attempt? And, yes, I will take this honor as encouragement to do some serious thinking on the topic. I will also invest the award to help save the planet. Perhaps that was really the Nobel Committee's sneaky motive, since there are regrettably no green awards yet. Still, all in all, it didn't seem deserved. And then it occurred to me. Isn't that the point these days: that rewards do not at all reflect our just desserts? Let's review some of the more obvious examples.
1. For Missing the Unmissable
Bernanke, the most passionate cheerleader of Greenspan's follies, is picked as his replacement, partly, it seems, for his belief that U.S. house prices would never decline and that at their peak in late 2005 they largely just reflected the unusual strength of the U.S. economy. As well as missing on his very own this 3-sigma (100-year) event in housing, he was completely clueless as to the potential disastrous interactions among lower house prices, new opaque financial instruments, heroically increased mortgages, lower lending standards, and internationally networked distribution. For these accumulated benefits to society, he was reappointed! So, yes, after the fashion of his mentor, he was lavish with help as the bubble burst. And how can we so quickly forget the very painful consequences of the previous lavishing after the 2000 bubble? Rewarding Bernanke is like reappointing the Titanic's captain for facilitating an orderly disembarkation of the sinking ship (let's pretend that happened) while ignoring the fact that he had charged recklessly through dark and dangerous waters.
2. The Other Teflon Men
Larry Summers, with a Financial Times bully pulpit, had done little bullying and blown no warning whistles of impending doom back in 2006 and 2007. And, famously, in earlier years as Treasury Secretary he had encouraged (I hope inadvertently) wild and reckless financial behavior by helping to beat back attempts to regulate some of the new and most dangerous instruments. Timothy Geithner, in turn, sat in the very engine room of the USS Disaster and helped steer her onto the rocks. And there are several others (discussed in the 4Q 2008 Letter). You know who you are. All promoted!
3. Misguided, Sometimes Idiotic Mortgage Borrowers
The more misguided or reckless the borrowers, the more determined the efforts to help them out, it appears, although it must be admitted these efforts had limited effect. In comparison, those who showed restraint and either underhoused themselves or rented received not even a hint of help. Quite the reverse: the money the more prudent potential buyers held back from housing received an artificially low rate. In effect, the prudent are subsidizing the very same banks that insisted on dancing off the cliff into Uncle Sam's arms or, rather, the arms of the taxpayers - many of whom rent.
4. Reckless Homebuilders
Having magnificently overbuilt for several years by any normal relationship to the population, we have decided to encourage even more homebuilding by giving new house buyers $8,000 each. This cash comes partly from the pockets of prudent renters once again. This gift is soon, perhaps, to be extended beyond first-time buyers (for whom everyone with a heart has a slight sympathy) to any buyers, which would be blatant vote-buying by Congress. So what else is new?
5. Over-spenders and Under-savers
To celebrate the overwhelming consensus among economists that U.S. individuals have been dangerously overconsuming for the last 15 years, we have decided to encourage consumption and penalize savers by maintaining the aforementioned artificially low rates, which beg everyone and sundry to borrow even more. The total debt to GDP ratio, which under our heroes Greenspan and Bernanke rose from 1.25x GDP to 3.25x (without even counting our Social Security and Medicare commitments), has continued to climb as growing government debt more than offsets falling consumer debt. Where, one wonders, does this end, and with how much grief?
6. Banks Too Big to Fail
Here we have adopted a particularly simple and comprehensible policy: make them bigger! Indeed, force them to be bigger. And whatever you do, don't have any serious Congressional conversation about breaking them up. (Leave that to a few journalists and commentators. Only pinkos read pink newspapers anyway!) This is not the first time that a cliché has triumphed. This one is: "You can't roll back the clock." (See this quarter's Special Topic: Lesson Not Learned: On Redesigning Our Current Financial System.)
7. Over-bonused Financial Types
Just look at Goldman's recent huge "profits," two-thirds of which went for bonuses. It is now estimated that this year's bonus pool will be plus or minus $23 billion, the largest ever. Less than a year ago, these same guys were on the edge of a run on the bank. They were saved only by "government" - the taxpayers' supposed agents - who decided to interfere with the formerly infallible workings of capitalism. Just as remarkably, it is now reported that remuneration for the entire banking industry may be approaching a new peak. "Well, we got rid of some of those pesky competitors, so now we can really make hay," you can almost hear Goldman and the others say. And as for the industry's concern about the widespread public dismay, even disgust, about excessive remuneration (and, I would add, plundering of the shareholders' rightful profits)? Fuhgeddaboudit! In the thin book of "lessons learned," this one, like most of our other examples, will not appear.
8. Overpaid Large Company CEOs
Even outside the financial system, there are many painfully obvious unjust desserts in the form of top management rewards. And most of the excessive rewards come out of the pockets of our clients and other stockholders, which is particularly galling. When I arrived in the States in 1964, the ratio of CEO pay to the average worker was variously reported to be between 20/1 and 40/1. This seemed perfectly respectable and had held for the previous 30 years. By 2006, this ratio had exploded to between 400/1 and 600/1, which can only be described as obscene. The results certainly don't suggest such high rewards: a) 10-year stock market returns are close to zero in real terms; and b) U.S. GDP growth has finally slipped below its 100-year trend of 3.5%. After deducting the effect of the rampant increase in the financial system, the growth in GDP ex-finance has fallen to 3.1% since 1982 and well below 3% since 2000, all measured to the end of 2007 to avoid the recent crisis. The corporate system, to be frank, seemed to run faster and more efficiently back in the 1960s before CEOs and financial types began to gobble up other people's lunches. I suppose I have done my share of gobbling. But, it still ain't right!
9. Holders of the Stocks of Ridiculously Overleveraged and Wounded Corporations
Yes, I admit this is part envy and part hindsight investment regret. But, really, our financial leaders so overstimulated the risk-taking environment that junky, weak, marginal companies and zombie banks produced a record outperformance (the best since 1933) of junk over the great blue chips. (Ouch!) In a world with less moral hazard, which would be a world of just, although painful desserts, scores of these should-be-dead companies would be. As it is, they live to compete against the companies that actually deserve to be survivors. Excessive bailouts are just not healthy for the long-term well-being of the economy.
10. The Well-managed U.S. Auto Industry
While firms in other industries fail and their workers look for new jobs, the auto industry is rewarded by direct subsidized loans, governmental arm-twisting of creditors forced to settle far below their legal rights, and direct subsidies for their products. All of this for their well-deserved ranking as the most short-sighted industry of the last 20 (40?) years, and one of the worst managed.
11. The World's Most Over-vehicled Country
We chew up a dangerously large amount of Middle Eastern oil (and oil desperately squeezed from Canadian tar sands), which is ruinous for our globalpolitical well-being (and ability to avoid war) and also not so good for an overheating world. So the answer must be to subsidize more car purchases, and when the subsidies run out, you can have all the fun again. Good long-term thinking!
12. Stock Options
This, of course, is the crème de la crème of unjust desserts. Recent practices have basically been a legalized way to abscond with the stockholders' equity. So if the stock price crashes, perhaps with considerable help from management, that's all right - just rewrite the options at the new low prices. There has been no serious attempt to match stock option rewards (or total financial rewards for that matter) to the building of long-term franchise value. Instead, the motto is: grab it now and run! You can fill in your own favorite anecdotes here - there are so many of them!
13. Finally, Just in Case You've Forgotten, We Have My Old Nemesis, Greenspan
Alan Greenspan receives the title of Maestro in the U.S. and is knighted by the Queen for thoroughly demolishing the integrity of the U.S. financial system. He overtly ignored the great threat of bubbles in asset classes and, in fact, encouraged them. He Ayn Rand-ishly facilitated the progressive dismantling of governmental restrictions on financial behavior, he deliberately kept real interest rates at zero for years, etc., etc., etc. You have heard it before. Now, remarkably, in his very old age he has become imbued with the spirit of Hyman Minsky: "Unless somebody can find a way to change human nature, we will have more crises." Now he finally gets it. Too late! In his merely old age, he ignored or abhorred Minsky, and consistently behaved as though markets were efficient and the players were honest and sensible at all times. But for all of the egg on his face, the Maestro continues to consult with the rich and famous, considerably to his financial advantage. In the good old days, he would have been set in the village stocks, and not the kind you buy and sell. And I would have been right there, Alan, with very ripe tomatoes.

The Last Hurrah and Markets Being Silly Again

The idea behind my forecast six months ago was that regardless of the fundamentals, there would be a sharp rally.1 After a very large decline and a period of somewhat blind panic, it is simply the nature of the beast. Exhibit 1 shows my favorite example of a last hurrah after the first leg of the 1929 crash.
jmotb110309image001
After the sharp decline in the fall of 1929, the S&P 500 rallied 46% from its low in November to the rally high of April 12, 1930. It then, of course, fell by over 80%. But on April 12 it was once again overpriced; it was down only 18% from its peak and was back to the level of June 1929. But what a difference there was in the outlook between June 1929 and April 1930! In June, the economic outlook was a candidate for the brightest in history with effectively no unemployment, 5% productivity, and over 16% year-over-year gain in industrial output. By April 1930, unemployment had doubled and industrial production had dropped from +16% to -9% in 5 months, which may be the world record in economic deterioration. Worse, in 1930 there was no extra liquidity flowing around and absolutely no moral hazard. "Liquidate the labor, liquidate the stocks, liquidate the farmers"2 was their version. Yet the market rose 46%.
How could it do this in the face of a world going to hell? My theory is that the market always displayed a belief in a type of primitive market efficiency decades before the academics took it up. It is a belief that if the market once sold much higher, it must mean something. And in the case of 1930, hadn't Irving Fisher, arguably the greatest American economist of the century, said that the 1929 highs were completely justified and that it was the decline that was hysterical pessimism? Hadn't E.L. Smith also explained in his Common Stocks as Long Term Investments (1924) - a startling precursor to Jeremy Siegel's dangerous book Stocks for the Long Run (1994) - that stocks would always beat bonds by divine right? And there is always someone of the "Dow 36,000" persuasion higher prices in previous peaks must surely have meant something, and not merely have been unjustified bubbly bursts of enthusiasm and momentum.
Today there has been so much more varied encouragement for a rally than existed in 1930. The higher prices preceding this crash (that were far above both trend and fair value) had lasted for many years; from 1996 through 2001 and from 2003 through mid-2008. This time, we also saw history's greatest stimulus program, desperate bailouts, and clear promises of years of low rates. As mentioned six months ago, in the third year of the Presidential Cycle, a tiny fraction of the current level of moral hazard and easy money has done its typically great job of driving equity markets and speculation higher. In total, therefore, it should be no surprise to historians that this rally has handsomely beaten 46%, and would probably have done so whether the actual economic recovery was deemed a pleasant surprise or not. Looking at previous "last hurrahs," it should also have been expected that any rally this time would be tilted toward risk-taking and, the more stimulus and moral hazard, the bigger the tilt. I must say, though, that I never expected such an extreme tilt to risk-taking: it's practically a cliff! Never mess with the Fed, I guess. Although, looking at the record, these dramatic short-term resuscitations do seem to breed severe problems down the road. So, probably, we will continue to live in exciting times, which is not all bad in our business.

Lesson Not Learned: On Redesigning Our Current Financial System

I can imagine the company representatives on the Titanic II design committee repeatedly pointing out that theTitanic I tragedy was a black swan event: utterly unpredictable and completely, emphatically, not caused by any failures of the ship's construction, of the company's policy, or of the captain's competence. "No one could have seen this coming," would have been their constant refrain. Their response would have been to spend their time pushing for more and improved lifeboats. In itself this is a good idea, and that is the trap: by working to mitigate the pain of the next catastrophe, we allow ourselves to downplay the real causes of the disaster and thereby invite another one. And so it is today with our efforts to redesign the financial system in order to reduce the number and severity of future crises.
After a crisis, if you don't want to waste time on palliatives, you must begin with an open and frank admission of failure. The Titanic, for example, was just too big and therefore too complicated for the affordable technology of its day. Given White Star Line's unwillingness to spend, she was under-designed. The ship also suffered from agency problems: the passengers bore the risk of unnecessary speed and overconfidence in "too big to sink!" while the captain stood to be rewarded for breaking the speed record. No captain is ever rewarded for merely delivering his passengers alive. Greenspan, nearly 100 years later in his short-lived "irrational exuberance" phase, did not enjoy being metaphysically slapped by the Senate Subcommittee for threatening the then speedy progress of the economy. What is needed in this typical type of agency problem is for the agent on those rare occasions when it really matters, whether a ship's captain or a Fed boss, to stop boot licking and say, "No, this is wrong. It is just too risky. I won't go along."
We have a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to effect genuine change given that the general public is disgusted with the financial system and none too pleased with Congress. I have no idea why the current administration, which came in on a promise of change, for heaven's sake, is so determined to protect the status quo of the financial system at the expense of already weary taxpayers who are promised only somewhat better lifeboats.
It is obvious to most that there was a more or less complete failure of our private financial system and its public overseers. The regulatory leaders in particular were all far too captured and cozy in their dealings with reckless and greedy financial enterprises. Congress also failed in its role. For example, it did not rise to the occasion to limit the recklessness of Fannie and Freddie. Nor did it encourage the regulation of new financial instruments. Quite the reverse, as exemplified by the sorry tale of CFTC Chairman Brooksley Born's fight to regulate credit default swaps.
But, at least now, Congress seems to realize the problem: the current financial system is too large and complicated for the ordinary people attempting to control it. Even Barney Frank, were he on his death bed, might admit this; and most members of Congress know that they hardly understand the financial system at all. Many of the banks individually are both too big and so complicated that none of their own bosses clearly understand their own complexity and risk taking. The recent boom and the ensuing crisis are a wonderfully scientific experiment with definitive results that we are all trying to ignore. And, except for bankers, who have Congress in an iron grip, we all want and need a profound change. We all want smaller, simpler banks that are not too big to fail. And we can and should arrange it!
Step 1 should be to ban or spin off that part of the trading of the bank's own money that has become an aggressive hedge fund. Proprietary trading by banks has become by degrees over recent years an egregious conflict of interest with their clients. Most if not all banks that prop trade now gather information from their institutional clients and exploit it. In complete contrast, 30 years ago, Goldman Sachs, for example, would never, ever have traded against its clients. How quaint that scrupulousness now seems. Indeed, from, say, 1935 to 1980, any banker who suggested such behavior would have been fired as both unprincipled and a threat to the partners' money. I, for one, saw Goldman in my early days as a surprisingly ethical firm, at worst "long-term greedy." (This steady loss of the old partnership ethic is typically underplayed in descriptions of Goldman.) Today, Goldman represents a potential hedge fund trade as being attractive precisely because they themselves have already chosen to do it. These days, all - or almost all - large banks do proprietary trading that is pure hedge fund in nature. Indeed the largest bank, Citi (owned by us taxpayers), is gearing up to substantially increase its aggressive prop trading as I write. ("No, no, we're not!")
Some insiders have argued that we should not worry about prop trading because they claim it did not play an important part in the recent crisis. I think this is completely wrong for it misses the very big picture. Prop trading can easily introduce an aggressive hedge-fund type mentality into the very hearts of what ideally should be conservative, prudent - even boring - banks. This hedge fund mentality became a dominant organizing principle, particularly with respect to compensation practices. It encouraged personal aspirations over corporate goals and invited bonus-directed behavior at the clients' expense and ultimately, as we have seen, at the taxpayers' expense to rid itself of this problem. All Congress has to overcome is the lobbying power and campaign contributions of the finance industry itself, which I admit is no small feat. In a bank with a hedge fund heart, you can't reasonably expect ethical or non-greedy behavior, and you haven't seen it.
Of course, commercial and investment banks need to invest their own capital. They probably should have the right to do genuine hedging against investments that flow naturally from their banking business. As for the rest, they could easily be required either to limit the leverage used on prop desk trading or to be restricted to investing in government paper and, at the very least, play by the same rules as other hedge funds. What they certainly should insurance, as is now the case.
In the early 1930s, following the famous Pecora hearings, the conflict of interest between the management of other people's money as fiduciary and the business of dealing and underwriting in securities was considered so inimical to the public interest that Congress almost compelled separation of proprietary trading and client trading. Close, but no cigar. Instead, Glass-Steagall made the probably less useful step of separating commercial and investment banking. Unfortunately, they left intact the obvious conflict between the banks' managing their own money and simultaneously that of their clients. We now have a unique opportunity to revisit this matter.
(As we ponder the problem of prop trading, let us consider Goldman's stunning $3 billion second quarter profit. It appeared to be almost all hedge fund trading. Be aware also that this $3 billion is net of about $6 billion reserved for future bonuses. Goldman's CEO had, in fact, the interesting job of deciding how much of this $9 billion profit would be arbitrarily awarded to shareholders. [In this case, one-third. Could be worse!] This means that they extracted every penny of $9 billion from a fragile financial system. "Good for them," you may say, and they indeed are very smart. But surely they should not have been insured against failure by us taxpayers! Remember, they are now also a commercial bank yet very, very little of their $9 billion came from making loans. Three months later their bonus pool for the year is estimated to be a new record at $29 billion. And the whole banking industry is back to a new record for remuneration. How resilient! How remarkable! How basically undesirable for our economy!)
In Step 2, the Justice Department, together with Congressional and other advisors, should be invited to develop a special set of rules for the banking industry that recognizes the moral hazard of "too big to fail." If really too big to fail, banks should be divided by Justice into manageable, smaller pieces that can indeed be allowed to fail. With these two steps and possibly with an intelligent son of Glass-Steagall, the deed would be done! Regulators would have a fighting chance of being able to regulate, unlike their recent woeful past. If an angel appeared, waved his wings and, lo, it was so, almost every single Congressman would sigh with relief.
The separation of commercial banking from investment banking is not as vital as the removal of prop desk complicated enterprises both smaller and simpler, which characteristics I for one believe are probably essential if we are to avoid further disasters. So what is the problem? The argument against all major changes, without at least some of which we will soon surely be back in another crisis, is always the same. "Oh, you can't roll back the clock." But, even repeated twice before every breakfast, it is not persuasive. Why exactly can't you roll back the clock? We did it once before and, although it was very imperfect and probably missed the central point of conflict of interest, it still produced an improved system that was successful enough for 50 years. In general, countries with simpler and less aggressive banks have had much less pain in the recent crisis while we were pawning the Crown Jewels - sorry, the Federal Jewels - to bail out aggressive bankers who were out of their depth in the new complexities.
Step by step, even as the complexity grew, our regulatory leaders enabled systemic risk to grow. They continued to push the boundaries for banks by allowing more leverage, new instruments, and less control. The details are familiar. All this was done in the name of untrammeled, unfettered capitalism, and almost all of it was a bad idea.
"Oh!" say the bankers, "If we become smaller and simpler and more regulated, the world will end and all serious banking will go to London, Switzerland, Bali Hai, or wherever." Well, good for those other places. If that means they will have knee-buckling, economy cracking, taxpayer-impoverishing meltdowns every 15 years and we will be left looking like a boring back water, that sounds fine to me. Remember, just like our investment management branch of the financial system, banking creates nothing of itself. It merely facilitates the functioning of the real world.
Yes, of course every country needs a basic financial system to function effectively with letters of credit, deposits, and check writing facilities, etc. But as you move beyond that it is worth remembering that every valued job created by financial complexity is paid for by the rest of the real economy, and talent is displaced from real production, as symbolized by all of the nuclear physicists on prop trading desks. Viewed from the perspective of the long-term well-being of the whole economy, the drastic expansion of the U.S. financial system as a percentage of total GDP in the last 20 years has been a drain on the health and cost structure of the balance of the real economy. To illustrate this point, in 1965 the financial sector of the economy took up 3% of the GDP pie. The 1960s were probably the high water mark (or one of them) of America's capitalism. They clearly had adequate financial tools. Innovation could obviously have occurred continuously in all aspects of finance, without necessarily moving its share of the economy materially over 3%. Yet by 2007 the share had risen to 7.5% of GDP!
The financial world was reaching into the GDP pie and taking an unnecessary extra 4%. Every year! This extra rent is enough to lower the savings and investment potential of the rest of the economy. And it shows. As mentioned earlier, the growth rate of the GDP had been 3.5% a year for a hundred years. It had proven to be remarkably robust. Even the Great Depression bounced off it, and soon GDP growth was back on the original trend as if the Depression had never occurred. But after 1965, the growth of the non-financial slice, formerly 3.4%, slowed to 3.2%. After 1982 it dropped to 3.1% and after 2000 fell to well under 3%, all measured to the end of 2007, before the recent troubles. These are big declines. It is as if a runner has a growing and already heavy blood sucker on him that is, not surprisingly, slowing him down. In the short term, I realize that job creation in the financial industry looked like a growth driver, as did the surge in financial profits (which we now realize were ludicrously overstated). But in the long term, like a sugar high, this stimulus was temporary and unhealthy.
The financial system was growing because it could. The more complex and confusing new financial instruments became the more "help" ordinary citizens needed from the experts. The agents' interests were totally unaligned with the principle/clients' interests. This makes a mockery of "rational expectations" and the Efficient Market Hypothesis, which assumes (totally unproven, as usual) equivalent and perfect knowledge on both sides of all transactions. At the extreme, this great advantage in knowledge and information held by the financial agents has the agents receiving all the rewards, according to the recent work3 by my former partner, Paul Woolley, and his colleagues at the Woolley Centre for the Study of Capital Market Dysfunctionality. (With a great name like that their job is half done before they start.)
The second problem, right on the heels of the too-big-and complicated issue, is that of inadequate public oversight. Even with existing institutions, we would have avoided most of the recent pain, borne by taxpayers,if we had had better public leadership. Yes, the public bodies had flaws, but the individuals running the shop had far bigger flaws. Greenspan, with arguably the most important job in the world, simply did not believe in interfering with capitalism at all. His regulatory colleagues such as Bernanke and Geithner fell into line without any challenges. And Congress, strongly influenced by the financial industry, or merely misguided, or often both, facilitated the approach that capitalism in general and banking in particular would do just fine if left entirely alone. It was a very expensive error. Does anyone think we would have run off the cliff with even one change - Volcker at the Fed? I, for one, am confident that we would have done far less badly.
Behind this weakness in the recent cast of characters is a systemic (suddenly the trendiest word in the English language) weakness in our method of job selection. How can Greenspan, with his long-established record of failure as a professional economist, have resurfaced as the Fed boss? With no record of success inany important job, he gets one of the world's two most important jobs! Now we have to decide how much more decision-making power to give to the Fed - an institution with a 25-year proven record of failure. How can we separate the logical neatness of institutional design from our recent proven inability to pick effective, principled leaders with strong backbones?
It is a conundrum: too many regulatory agencies and you have too many opportunities for financial interests to shop around for regulatory bargains and to find and exploit the ambiguous seams between them. Too few agencies and we run the risk of my worst nightmare: waking up and finding Alan Greenspan with twice the authority!
At the least we must recognize the improbability of acquiring great leaders and that our financial system must be simple and robust enough to withstand the worst efforts from time to time of poor or even bad leadership. A simpler, more manageable financial system is much more than a luxury. Without it we shall surely fail again. And it looks as if we are bound and determined to bend once again to the will (and the money) of the financial lobby, which is encouraged by the unexpected conservatism of the current administration's "Teflon" men. They seem terrified to make any substantial changes. And the one person with the character to make tough changes - Paul Volker - is window dressing, exactly as I suggested in January. A sad, wasted opportunity!

Summary

  • Yes, this was a profound failure of our financial system.
  • The public leadership was inadequate, especially in dealing with unexpected events that often, like the housing bubble breaking, should have been expected.
  • Of course, we should make a more determined effort to do a more effective job of leadership selection. But excellence in leadership will often be elusive.
  • Equally obvious, we could make a hundred improvements to the lifeboats. Most would be modest beneficial improvements, but in the long run they would be almost completely irrelevant and, worse, they might kid us into thinking we were doing something useful!
  • But all of the above points fail to recognize the main problem: the system has become too big and complicated for even much-improved leaders to handle. Why should we be confident that we will find such improved leaders? For, even in an administration directed to "change," Obama and his advisors fell back on the same cast of characters who allowed, even facilitated, the development of the current crisis. Reappointing Bernanke! What a wasted opportunity to get a "son of Volker" type. (Or should that be "grandson of Volker?")
  • The size of the financial system continues to grow and shows every sign of being out of control. As it grows, it becomes a bigger drain on the rest of the economy and slows it down.
  • The only long-term hope of avoiding major recurrent crises is to make our financial system simpler, the units small enough that they can be allowed to fail, and, above all, to remove the intrinsically conflicted and dangerously risk-seeking hedge fund heart from the banking system. The rest is window dressing and wishful thinking.
  • The concept of rational expectations - the belief in the natural efficiency of capitalism - is wrong, and is the root cause of our problems. Hyman Minsky, on the other hand, was right; he argued that the natural outcome of ordinary people interacting is to make occasional financial crises "well nigh inevitable." Crises are desperately hard to avoid. We must give ourselves a chance by making the job of dealing with them much, much easier.
  • All in all we are likely to have learned little, or rather to act, through lack of character, as if we have learned nothing. In doing so we are probably condemning ourselves to another serious financial crisis in the not too- distant future.
PS: As quite often happens, since I write painfully slowly (even without extra tick-borne delays), a professional slipped in with a great column that gets to the heart of this matter. Please read John Kay in the Financial Times of July 9. It is short and persuasive. "Our banks are beyond the control of mere mortals" - now, that's what I call a title!

Footnotes:
1 Erratum: Last quarter I cast mild aspersions on Finanz und Wirtschaft by suggesting that I had not precisely said that the S&P would scoot rapidly up to 1100; I remembered it more as between 1000 to 1100. Never mess with a Swiss journalist: this one duly pointed out that his tape of April 1 confirmed his accuracy. Either way, here we are, more or less (at 1098 on October 19).
2 Andrew Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury, 1931.
3 Biais, Bruno; Rochet, Jean-Charles; and Woolley, Paul. Rents, Learning and Risk in the Financial Sector and other Innovative Industries. September, 2009. Working Paper Series 2009, The Paul Woolley Centre for the Study of Capital Market Dysfunctionality.

http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/paulWoolleyCentre/news/RentsLearningAndRisk.htm

Thursday, October 29, 2009

AMZN and its WC to FCF magic!

on Oct. 30, 2009 the Journal posts this about AMZN, which is what I've been saying all along. Home Dept went from $51 at the beg. of '02 to $20s by the end of '02, how much this was from this A/P -FCF strategy and how much from recession I don't know but, that's what happened to HD anyway:


In the third quarter, Amazon stretched out its bill payment to 72 days, up from 63 in the year-earlier period. As Brian Evans, an analyst for research firm Behind the Numbers, notes, this "theoretically means that Amazon has not paid suppliers for sales consummated in mid-June." Amazon's sales rose 28% in the quarter, but accounts payable nearly doubled, helping push free cash flow up 116%.
Averaged through the year, Amazon's accounts-payable days have risen from 49.25 days in 2003 to 59 last year before jumping this year to an average of 64.6. Free cash flow has risen to $1.36 billion in 2008 from $346 million in 2003.
Such efficient working-capital management is to be envied. But investors shouldn't get too used to it. Amazon can't keep extending payment terms with its vendors indefinitely. When it stops, one source of free cash-flow growth will disappear.
Charles Mulford, an accounting professor at the Georgia Institute of Technology, notes how sharply boosting accounts payable helped Robert Nardelli transform Home Depot's cash generation after he took charge at the end of 2000. The retailer went from reporting negative free cash flow to $2.57 billion in fiscal 2002. But gains from working-capital efficiency petered out. Such things won't flow Amazon's way forever.

The Great Recession Dec. 2007 - Nov. 2009. RIP?


Business Cycle Expansions and Contractions


US Business Cycle Expansions and Contractions ¹

Contractions (recessions) start at the peak of a business cycle and end at the trough.

Please also see:
BUSINESS CYCLE
REFERENCE DATES

DURATION IN MONTHS
Peak
Trough
Contraction
Expansion
Cycle
Quarterly dates
are in parentheses

Peak
to
Trough

Previous trough
to
this peak

Trough from
Previous
Trough

Peak from
Previous
Peak


June 1857(II)
October 1860(III)
April 1865(I)
June 1869(II)
October 1873(III)

March 1882(I)
March 1887(II)
July 1890(III)
January 1893(I)
December 1895(IV)

June 1899(III)
September 1902(IV)
May 1907(II)
January 1910(I)
January 1913(I)

August 1918(III)
January 1920(I)
May 1923(II)
October 1926(III)
August 1929(III)

May 1937(II)
February 1945(I)
November 1948(IV)
July 1953(II)
August 1957(III)

April 1960(II)
December 1969(IV)
November 1973(IV)
January 1980(I)
July 1981(III)

July 1990(III)
March 2001(I)
December 2007 (IV)
December 1854 (IV)
December 1858 (IV)
June 1861 (III)
December 1867 (I)
December 1870 (IV)
March 1879 (I)

May 1885 (II)
April 1888 (I)
May 1891 (II)
June 1894 (II)
June 1897 (II)

December 1900 (IV)
August 1904 (III)
June 1908 (II)
January 1912 (IV)
December 1914 (IV)

March 1919 (I)
July 1921 (III)
July 1924 (III)
November 1927 (IV)
March 1933 (I)

June 1938 (II)
October 1945 (IV)
October 1949 (IV)
May 1954 (II)
April 1958 (II)

February 1961 (I)
November 1970 (IV)
March 1975 (I)
July 1980 (III)
November 1982 (IV)

March 1991(I)
November 2001 (IV)
--
18
8
32
18
65

38
13
10
17
18

18
23
13
24
23

7
18
14
13
43

13
8
11
10
8

10
11
16
6
16

8
8

--
30
22
46
18
34

36
22
27
20
18

24
21
33
19
12

44
10
22
27
21

50
80
37
45
39

24
106
36
58
12

92
120
73
--
48
30
78
36
99

74
35
37
37
36

42
44
46
43
35

51
28
36
40
64

63
88
48
55
47

34
117
52
64
28

100
128

--
--
40
54
50
52

101
60
40
30
35

42
39
56
32
36

67
17
40
41
34

93
93
45
56
49

32
116
47
74
18

108
128
81

Average, all cycles:
1854-2001 (32 cycles)
1854-1919 (16 cycles)
1919-1945 (6 cycles)
1945-2001 (10 cycles)

17
22
18
10

38
27
35
57

55
48
53
67

56*
  49**
53
67
* 31 cycles
** 15 cycles
Source: NBER

Saturday, October 24, 2009

Why so much hatred towards our president?


Below is another discussion on the WSJ and it got me to thinking. There is a lot of hatred towards our president--a deep desire to see him and his policies fail, a desire to criticize and say no to anything that's done, and a desire to place past, present, and future economic and policy failures on Obama...personally. Why? No blame to spread around to other politicians?


More importantly why is there this intense dislike? More and more it seems like the right just wants Obama to be powerless and better yet out of office. I am extremely cautious about new regulations and policy changes consider the following:


Here are some gov't policies that I think allowed for a the credit bubble to develop:


#1 cutting interest rates to further fuel spending on debt (if anything, we need a good recession every 5 or 10 yrs to remind people to save and not extrapolate above avg. growth into perpetuity (see Minsky)).

#2 money managers outsourced/deferred credit analysis to agencies and then blame their bad investments b/c their free research wasn't good enough (to their credit many institutional guidelines require "investment grade" securities or better but they still could have done their homework).
#3 money managers/brokers loved efficient market hypothesis b/c it justified going 30 to 40% in equities and charging 1.25% for managing equity whereas fixed income pays .4% and cash pays 0%--the SEC mandates that companies cannot charge clients a fee for being in cash (conflict of interest?).
#4 Fannie and freddie GSE helped keep mortgage rates artificially low, further fueling the housing bubble
#5 the gov't mandates that companies keep AAA rated securities on their balance sheet for capital requirements and the only rating they accepted was from the big 3 agencies--a problem the gov't has admitted gave the big 3 CRA an unfair advantage and something that screwed up the efficient allocation of capital 
#6 margin and capital requirements exacerbate the downward spiral as asset price volatility increases/prices fall or disappear.
#7 the way the FDIC “sold” (more like gave away) WaMu, Bear Stearns probably triggered the worst of the crisis—bondholders were treated like equity holders i.e. they were mostly wiped out; if senior creditors were lucky they were only threatened by the White House into negotiating a lower payout (for the good of the country…) After the way they treated bondholders US banks had to wait four or five months before Citi/BoFA/GS finally were able to issue bonds again.
Notice how in every instance gov't policies play a role in shaping the spiral/the bubble. 





Ms. Noonan may be quite right that President Obama owns the problem now, and is responsible for the solution. News flash: I don't think Obama would disagree. But Noonan's quickly glossing over the breadth and depth of these problems, and totally ignoring the short-term mentality and almost total lack of patience on the part of the general electorate doesn't tell the whole story. Sooner or later, someone--and more than one someone--was going to write a tome about how "it's Obama's problem now." As Gomer Pyle might have said, "Sooprahse, sooprahse, sooprahse." Tell us something we don't know, Peggy.

What Ms. Noonan ignores is the all to real complexity of the issues Obama is faced with, and the attendant length of time it will take to dig our way out of this mess that, like it or not, he did inherit from the lackluster, dogmatic and "my way or the highway" Bush Administration. Agreeing, or not, with Obama's approach is a totally separate question, albeit a legitimate one, because there is no quick fix.

No doubt Americans are losing their patience, and Obama will pay a political price for being unable to fix all of these problems with the flick of a switch, since he created some expectations in this regard. There are too many people out of work, with no hope for a new job any time soon, too many people lacking health insurance, too many people who have seen their retirement nest eggs evaporate, and last, but certainly not least, far too many people who have lost family members or welcomed home a maimed one from one of our wars.

But that is a different issue from accusing President Obama of failing to own the mess he inherited. Noonan seems to think it's OK to oversimplify, with a quick label, a complex situation in order to make her press deadline, but I'd rather hear her observations and suggestions about why Americans have such a short attention span, and how much of a disservice this does to political leadership of both parties, that prefers to manage by symbolism than really come up with hard solutions to tough problems that aren't going away overnight, no matter who owns them. But to do that, she might miss her deadline. And have to really think.

Poor Peggy. She owns this one.





  • Are you suggesting that Obama spent almost 2 yrs in Congress w/ blinders on and had no clue what was happening? He had no 'Sooprahse, sooprahse, sooprahse', he knew exactly what he was getting into. And if he didn't, well, I rest my case.

    Problem is he is trying to 'fix' things with a 'flick of the switch' - because he and his staff know that the American public will not go along with it ('can't let a good crises go to waste' - what do you think Rahm meant by that?).

    The issue is not that American's have short attention spans it is we expect our leaders to, well, Lead.





    • "We" gave the miscreants Bush and Cheney eight full years to "lead," and they led us to disaster. The shrill right in this country have been on Obama's back since the day he took office, and haven't let us since. That we are almost a year into his presidency doesn't explain away the right wing's acquiescence to eight years of disastrous policies under Bush, the policies that did, in fact, get us into this mess. Don't confuse a lack of leadership with your apparent distaste for where President Obama is leading us. And oh, by the way, where are Republican officeholders trying to lead us. I haven't quite figured that one out yet, since all they are doing is saying "no." Now that's real leadership.






  • I think the voters certainly have a short attention span, else Obama would not have been elected. I also think they would allow more time for his policies to work if ANY of them showed promise. Even the most ignorant voter knows that governments are not immune to the laws of economics. There is a very real cost to borrowing for discretionary 'goodies' that stretch the budget, especially in a serious recession. Most especially, programs that create disincentives to employment.

    Please name one Obama economic prescription that is working as promised.





    • Obama was elected not because of a short attention span, but because of a very long eight years of impatience with Republican "leadership" that owned all three branches of government, yet destroyed so much of what this country stood for. That Bush was given eight years to "get it right" and abjectly failed to do so, shouldn't be so quickly overlooked, speaking of short attention spans.

      Nor is it fair of disenfranchised whiners from the right wing to hold Obama accountable for results that haven't had enough time, as of yet, to fully develop, when those same right wingers are still taking credit for economic policies that Reagan put in place decades ago that by those arguments, blossomed during the Clinton Administration. Why is it that when a Democratic president is in office, the results have to be fully developed in a matter of months, while when it is Reagan's nonsensical trickle down economics being revered, Clinton doesn't get credit for the strong economy that developed on his watch, lest Reagan be diminished in the process. No, fortunately for those of us who support President Obama, we can see clearly that the problem for Republicans is that they don't control the agenda, and that fewer and fewer Americans want them to. Get over it.







  • Joel,
    Nice attempt on defending President Obama. However, the President was elected Senator back in 2004. Don't try to blame this on the voters. The majority didn't demand a $787 billion stimulus; his party did. A sizebale minority of the voters told him to slow down and debate the package; his response to them was , "I won!". Within 2 weeks of his inaugeration he signed the single biggest spending package in the history of this nation with no debate, no input from anyone save his own party's insiders. Nope, the electorate didn't demand a stimulus, but they were scared into going along (Obama constantly said that if Congress doesn't pass the stimulus immediatly, a Depression would ensue).

    Also, most of the heavy lifting that stabelized our financial system was done prior to President Obama's inaugeration. Tim Geithner wasn't in Treasury until Feb. Bush and Paulson did much of the work before Jan 2009. The only thing that Obama did was sign on to TARP II, nationalize much of our insurance and auto industries, and sign the massive stimulus package. Geithner, was in office, accerlated Treasury's luquidity injection by ordering an additional $1.5 trillion of cash to be printed (which is being used to monitarize our debt).

    The solutions to most of these problems could be readily seen; but, as Rahm Emmanual so famously said, "We cannot let a crisis go to waste." The President and his people had other ideas, and with his group of policy czars, they are rewriting not only our financial system but much more. The voters see this and are not happy. The President is a lightweight, pseudo-intellectual, egoist of the first degree. He is a True Believer who is doing much damage to our nation, and to his own party.





    • Jerome,

      Nice attempt on your part, too, but it was the Bush Administration and in particular, Dr. Doom, then-Treasury Secretary Paulson, who rammed and rushed through the first stimulus package. Obama hadn't been inaugurated, and yet, Paulson was screaming like Chicken Little that the sky would fall down if we didn't have a bailout package approved in 24 hours. That wasn't Obama, that was your boy, Bush and his henchmen. If you want to excoriate Obama, then get your facts right.

      As for Obama's being elected a Senator in 2004, and it was the people of Illinois (only) who elected him to that position.

      Finally, President Obama is hardly a lightweight. You're confusing him with Bush.

      As for nationalizing the insurance and automobile industries, that wasn't Obama. De facto, that was the laissez faire wild, wild west unregulated mentality of the Bush administration, and incompetent private corporate management that nationalized the problems of those industries, to the point where the US was going to take it on the chin anyway, with or without intervention. We can differ about whether or which intervention by the federal government was right or wrong, but the problems were there, and the impact on our country and its economy was going to be brutal, one way or the other. And you can't blame Obama for eight years of subservience to a runaway "it's all good" mentality when it came to American business having its way. That was a "gift" of the Bush administration, and a gift that will keep on giving for far too long a time to come.

      So let me ask you, since you seem so prone to lauching questions at others: Would you have let GM and Chrysler disappear? Would you have let AIG go down the drain? Would you have let Bank of America, Citibank, Goldman Sachs, among other banks, fail? What, exactly, would you have done, Jerome?







  • Joel, you still have not name one Obama economic program that is working according to their own predictions. Even his own WH(save the buffoon, Biden) is admitting that the value of the $1Trillion Stimulus is largely over! And, Pelosi is suggesting another one is needed. How many times must you people be presented with reality before you admit it is not working?




    • I have not said one thing in support of Pelosi. Don't go there.

      As for Obama's plans, my point is that people who are carping about his initiatives are far too impatient--and hypocritical--if they think that the results will be instantaneous. It's a little like expecting a crater to be filled in after years of digging, merely because someone finally pulled the trenchers away, and said "there's a big huge hole there and we need to fill it in." Holes like the ones Bush et al left do not get filled in overnight. Obama's proposals need time to work.

      Again, at the risk of repetition, how else can Republicans claim that the economic rosiness of the Clinton Administration was due to policies that Reagan put in place years before. You can't have it both ways. Obama's policies need time to take full effect, and they will work. How much, remains to be seen. But don't forget that when he was elected, something like 70% of Americans said they wanted the country to head in a new direction. I guess you were one of the 30% that didn't. Which insurance company do you work for, Alan?








  • This is what you get when you elect someone with no leadership experience to a leadership position - paralysis by analysis.

    Joel: Quit dwelling in your distorted version of the past.It contributes nothing to the discussion.





    • Gretchen,

      Quit acting like a Bush censor, telling other people what they can and can't say. You're way out of line, and this isn't a dictatorship. Ever heard of a free press, or don't you subscribe to that either? And my view of history is hardly distorted, even if Bush's spin on events that happened during his presidency was.